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In diesem Beitrag werden der Hintergrund und die Entwicklung der Vergleichenden Politikwissenschaft in Deutschland von einer Außenperspektive behandelt. Nach einem Blick auf die Anfänge wird die Phase der Professionalisierung in...
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In diesem Beitrag werden der Hintergrund und die Entwicklung der Vergleichenden Politikwissenschaft in Deutschland von einer Außenperspektive behandelt. Nach einem Blick auf die Anfänge wird die Phase der Professionalisierung intensiver betrachtet. Dabei kann der deutsche oder teutonische Stil nicht als Sonderweg angesehen werden, sondern als Bestandteil einer europäischen Version von vergleichender Forschung und Lehre. Dies zeigt sich, wenn unterschiedliche Forschungsfelder und die beteiligten Forschenden diskutiert werden. Allerdings erweist sich die allgemeine Entwicklung über Zeit und Raum uneinheitlich. Näher betrachtet wird die Entwicklung von Theorien und Konzepten und gleichfalls werden methodologische Fallstricke und Widersprüche diskutiert. Die generelle Konklusion aus einer Außenperspektive bestätigt, dass Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft in Deutschland nicht nur fest in den europäischen ‚Stil‘ eingebunden ist, sondern eine wichtige, wenn nicht führende Rolle dabei spielt.
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The aim of this volume has been to present examples of work on political participation drawn from what we have termed a critical perspective. Here, we shall not summarise these contributions, rather our aim is briefly, given space...
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The aim of this volume has been to present examples of work on political participation drawn from what we have termed a critical perspective. Here, we shall not summarise these contributions, rather our aim is briefly, given space constraints, to highlight some of the issues at stake in this literature and, given that, in our view, the changes in contemporary forms of political participation identified here represent significant challenges for democracy to suggest possible ways forward. We begin with a brief resume of the changing patterns of political participation, perhaps best summed up as decoupling of political authorities and citizens. Subsequently, we turn to the question of how they can be recoupled them.
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Comparative urban political research offers scholars the opportunity to develop theory and to compare practice, yet there is a need for more conscious attention to the comparative method and the special opportunities and challenge...
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Comparative urban political research offers scholars the opportunity to develop theory and to compare practice, yet there is a need for more conscious attention to the comparative method and the special opportunities and challenges involved in its application to local political phenomena. This article examines and makes recommendations on issues that are particularly relevant to cross-national research in urban politics and policy, including dealing with multiple levels of analysis, improving research design, and improving conceptualization.
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Existing theory on the form of government suggests that a parliamentary system promotes a larger size of government than does a presidential system. This paper extends the existing theory by allowing for distortionary taxation. A ...
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Existing theory on the form of government suggests that a parliamentary system promotes a larger size of government than does a presidential system. This paper extends the existing theory by allowing for distortionary taxation. A main result is that if taxation is sufficiently distortionary, the parliamentary system may promote a smaller size of government than the presidential system. The proposed mechanism appears consistent with several empirical patterns in the data that cannot be explained by other theories.
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The possibility of SETI finding extraterrestrial biological or technological signatures is becoming less hypothetical. Social science scholarship has responded with a growing literature that examines the possible social, cultural,...
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The possibility of SETI finding extraterrestrial biological or technological signatures is becoming less hypothetical. Social science scholarship has responded with a growing literature that examines the possible social, cultural, and political implications of a major SETI discovery. This article extends this social science perspective by speculating about politics at the other end of contact. I argue that the questions of whether another civilization would apply resources to SETI like efforts, who they would wish to contact, and their motivations for searching for intelligent life, are essentially questions about the politics of possible but unknown societies.I attempt to show the utility of this comparative politics perspective by applying it to Fermi's Paradox. The perspective of intercivilizational politics reframes the paradox as a problem of collective action and avoids two problematic assumptions widely found in the literature. First, it is probably impossible to predict what would be rational for extraterrestrial intelligence without knowing their appetite for risk. Second, if an extraterrestrial civilization shares similar patterns to our development, then many proposed solutions to Fermi's Paradox fall into the trap of assuming a unified rational actor. Instead, it is likely that possible interlocutors represent different political and social institutions from across an exocivilization.In addition, many famous commentators have argued that contact with another civilization would likely be disastrous for the less developed party, presumably us. So far, political scientists have added to this discussion by elaborating further on the possible dangers of a SETI discovery. However, I argue that reframing SETI efforts within the context of intercivilizational politics mitigates some of these concerns.(c) 2022 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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This article explores the opportunities and conundrums of understanding violence at critical junctures following ruptures in political orders through the prism of political settlements. While there is an emerging body of scholarsh...
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This article explores the opportunities and conundrums of understanding violence at critical junctures following ruptures in political orders through the prism of political settlements. While there is an emerging body of scholarship on political settlements, we specifically examine its relationship to violence, which we argue has been under-theorised. Through comparative country case studies (Bangladesh, Egypt, Kenya, Sierra Leone), we examine in a historicised manner how these types of settlements interact with various forms of violence at various scales.The article reconceptualises political settlements in relation to three forms of violence, intrinsic, instrumental and resultant, and shows how multi-scale dynamics and formal/informal interactions shape the violent nature of political settlements in different contexts.
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To understand the origins of modern local governing institutions in Britain and the United States, this article examines how the forces of nineteenth-century urbanization, industrial and commercial development, nation-state consol...
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To understand the origins of modern local governing institutions in Britain and the United States, this article examines how the forces of nineteenth-century urbanization, industrial and commercial development, nation-state consolidation, and democratization converged to form a historical context ripe for creating a public domain through a process of local state formation. The comparative-historical study also takes into account the role of political mobilization in the creation of the public domain by demonstrating that the formation of modern local state entailed highly contested political processes that produced uneven local state development between and within the two nations.
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Pervasive media censorship in China is often seen as a strictly political issue. Although in past years reporters have had leeway to report on economic issues, the Chinese Party/ state has moved to tamp down economic journalism, e...
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Pervasive media censorship in China is often seen as a strictly political issue. Although in past years reporters have had leeway to report on economic issues, the Chinese Party/ state has moved to tamp down economic journalism, even arresting those who report on bad economic news. This shift brings to the fore an issue long ignored by social scientists - economic censorship. Economic censorship takes place when state-owned enterprises (SOEs) or large private companies pressure the state to censor negative reports or directly pay off media companies to quash such reports in favor of more positive ones. Such economic censorship distorts markets and shifts investor money away from new market entrants and towards large, well-resourced and well-connected SOEs. Using a database of Chinese newspaper articles from 2004 to 2006 and a separate database of newspaper articles, blog posts and micro-blog posts from 2010, and supplemented by secondary sources, this paper examines how media coverage is distorted by censorship and corruption to the benefit of China's entrenched interests. In particular, I find that private and provincially owned companies receive much more press coverage than do their central government (SASAC) owned equivalents, controlling for a number of factors.
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Dieser Artikel biete eine Einführung in jüngere Debatten über Area Studies und ihren weniger bekannten „Cousin“ Vergleichende Area Studies. Obwohl aus politikwissenschaftlicher Perspektive verfasst, beziehen sich viele der in...
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Dieser Artikel biete eine Einführung in jüngere Debatten über Area Studies und ihren weniger bekannten „Cousin“ Vergleichende Area Studies. Obwohl aus politikwissenschaftlicher Perspektive verfasst, beziehen sich viele der in dem Artikel behandelten Aspekte auch auf andere Disziplinen. Wir zeigen zunächst einige der Entwicklungen und Debatten auf, die auf die Area Studies seit Ende des Kalten Krieges eingewirkt haben. Im Anschluss weisen wir auf einige zeitgenössische Verständnisse von Area Studies hin und präsentieren unsere eigene Definition von Vergleichenden Area Studies. Die Bedeutung sowohl von Area Studies als auch Vergleichenden Area Studies wird in einem weiteren Schritt herausgearbeitet. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit gilt im Folgenden zwei methodologischen Herausforderungen, vor denen Vergleichende Area Studies stehen: der Gebrauch von Konzepten und die Auswahl geeigneter Forschungsstrategien. Eine Zusammenfassung der zentralen Punkte schließt das Papier ab.
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Purpose - Existing attempts to assess national development and processes of democratization suffer from conceptual and measurement challenges. This paper proposes a comprehensive concept of democratic development and develops a mo...
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Purpose - Existing attempts to assess national development and processes of democratization suffer from conceptual and measurement challenges. This paper proposes a comprehensive concept of democratic development and develops a more inclusive concept of democracy to provide a common set of categories to evaluate its depth and quality. Design/methodology/approach - In order to measure the depth and health of democracy, democratic development incorporates four categories of human progress, each measured by multiple variables. The four categories deemed important for human progress are general development, democratic health, democratic inclusiveness, and human capital. Components of democratic development incorporate existing measures of political and economic development to create a comprehensive and accessible measure of democratic development. Findings - The comparative tables based on multiple goals of development clearly reveal that neither the GDP index nor the HDI are adequate measures of development. Democratic development can be more fully captured by four perspectives: development, democratic inclusiveness, democratic health, and human capital, providing a framework to measure progress in reform, democracy, and development, from public agencies up to the national level. This concept incorporates aspects and orientations of the capabilities approach to create a concept that is amenable to use as a self-assessment tool and as a basis for comparison of development, broadly conceived. Practical implications - This inclusive concept is particularly well suited for analyzing citizen satisfaction and democratic stability. Originality/value - Rather than focusing on singular measures, the approach presented here offers a balanced set of measures aimed at providing a comprehensive view of the gamut of democratic and economic development processes relative to existing models that is more appropriate for self-assessment/planning purposes than traditional measures, which may be more appropriate for statistical modeling purposes.
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